In 2025, Pakistan’s political landscape proves that survival without militancy is possible, many parties are already doing so. The days when political influence in Karachi depended on armed wings are largely gone. For the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), those militant structures were once seen as a grim necessity. The ethnic violence of the 1980s and 1990s, and later the army operations targeting MQM, created a ruthless reality: kill or be killed. In that decade, militant wings were not an option but a means of political survival.
The decline began in earnest after 2016. The All Pakistan Muttahida Students Organization (APMSO), once the vibrant student force of MQM, steadily weakened. I personally attribute this to poor decisions by APMSO’s leadership, both the president and the central cabinet, which eroded the organisation’s street influence. Today, APMSO holds little sway in Karachi’s student politics, a sharp contrast to its past dominance.
It is important to note that MQM’s militant capacity was not voluntarily abandoned; it was dismantled. Law enforcement agencies arrested or forced into exile many of the key figures who once controlled it, names like Anis Qaimkhani and Saeed Bharam stand out. Hundreds of party workers remain unaccounted for; more than 300 are still missing, and around 150 languish in jail. This was not a strategic choice but a reality imposed by the state.
Today, MQM-Pakistan (MQM-P) is working to regain its influence and street power, but through a very different approach: peaceful political engagement. The party’s aim is to rebuild its reputation and base purely on its work and delivery. If the momentum continues, MQM-P could stage a comeback by the year’s end, reminiscent of its electoral revival.
However, the challenges are formidable. Funding is a constant struggle, and gaining government approval for projects is often an uphill battle. Many proposals are rejected outright; those that do receive the green light are slowly being implemented. Among the most pressing issues is Karachi’s chronic water shortage, a crisis MQM-P is actively trying to address.
One of MQM-P’s enduring principles is its opposition to feudalism and nepotism. No relatives of senior party leaders hold official positions either inside or outside the party. Contrary to persistent rumours, no leader’s son serves as APMSO’s unit in-charge at Karachi University or elsewhere.
The party has also remained true to its commitment to empower the middle class. Most of MQM-P’s current MPAs are young, middle-class workers, many without family ties to the party. The Coordination Committee (COC), MQM’s highest decision-making body, is dominated by young voices. This generational shift signals a deliberate break from the past and a move towards a more inclusive, merit-based politics.
MQM-P’s story is now one of reinvention. From a party that once relied on muscle to survive, it is striving to become a model of urban, middle-class political empowerment. The road ahead is difficult, but if MQM-P succeeds in delivering on its promises, especially on core urban issues like water, infrastructure, and civic services, it may yet reclaim its position as Karachi’s dominant political force, without the shadows of its militant past.
Yet, the question remains: can MQM-P truly reinvent itself in the eyes of Karachi’s voters? Its commitment to non-violence, middle-class leadership, and civic reform marks a stark break from its militant past, but memories linger, and trust is harder to rebuild than street power. The party faces entrenched political rivals, bureaucratic resistance, and a skeptical public that has heard similar promises before. Whether MQM-P can turn this moment of reinvention into lasting political success will depend not only on its ability to deliver tangible results, but also on whether Karachiites believe that the party’s transformation is genuine and permanent.
