Public Interest

Public interest exists in the public domain – for the public by the public. It is the Constitution of Pakistan that defines public interest, leaving no space for any guessing or innovation.

What Pakistanis of all hues fail to understand is the difference between the role assigned and the role assumed. In the executive domain, it is the Constitution of Pakistan that assigns roles and permits recruitment to get manpower relevant to deliver on the assigned roles. For the delivery, remunerations are offered. Simultaneously, the constitution holds answerable those who are supposed to play the assigned role. Interestingly, the constitution does not permit any role which is assumed by any person, body or institution, as this kind of approval would keep them out of the ambit of accountability. Hence, any role assumed out of the realm of the constitution is no role.

Accountability is also an exciting subject. With no exception, every department and institution of the executive is laden with an internal accountability compulsion. Bylaws and procedures are made to meet this aim. Internal accountability is defined by these bylaws and procedures, which spring from the Constitution of Pakistan. Since the mechanism of internal accountability remains prone to biases, the constitution makes it mandatory to have an external mechanism of accountability, as a second check – in case human faults or foibles take over rational decisions. Hence, internal accountability is inadequate unless complemented by external accountability.

This is why, in the executive domain, no person, department or institution can assume roles which are not assigned by the constitution. When this red line is crossed, the constitution stands violated. Similarly, in the executive domain, no person, department or institution can be self-satisfied with internal accountability only, circumventing the need for external accountability. When this need is not fulfilled, the constitution is dishonored.

In the executive domain, the main source of validity is offered by the Constitution of Pakistan. Any deed performed as per the assigned role is validated by the constitution automatically; otherwise, it is not. For instance, nudged by the hubris of power, the former military dictator General Zia-ul Haq assumed an unconstitutional role as the chief martial law administrator, but soon he had to run from pillar to post to seek validation through the 8th Constitutional Amendment. Similarly, another former military dictator, General Pervez Musharraf, assumed an unconstitutional role as the chief executive, but he also had to seek validation through the 17th Constitutional Amendment. By so doing, both military dictators publicly admitted that the constitution is the sole provider of validation.

Any power derived from the constitution ends in the constitution, not beyond it. Assumed roles are contemptuous and disapproved by the constitution. After deriving any power of authority from the constitution, no person, body, or institution can go scot free – that is, free of obligations – in search of a new supra- or extra-constitutional role and claiming that, for their deeds, they do not need the validation of the people. The derivers of power must be cognizant of the fact that they need validation of the constitution enacted by the representatives of the people expressing the will of the people. This is why, in Pakistan, elections are rigged to manipulate the will of the people.

Every institution of the government is supposed to deliver in public interest as per its relevant assigned role enshrined in the constitution. No specific institution enjoys monopoly over delivering on public interest of choice, and no institution can claim that it needed no validity whatsoever. For instance, the department of income tax cannot deliver in the domain of customs and excise, and claim that it needs no validity. Hence, read the constitution before making any utterances on public interest.

One part of the adage, “Ask not what your country can do for you,” cannot be more relevant than now. See what Pakistan has done for you. Currently, the size of Pakistan’s economy is around US$411 billion. However, as estimated in September 2024, Pakistan’s external debt is approximately US $133 billion, which is around one-third of the size of the economy. For the same reason, Pakistan is totally dependent on the International Monetary Fund to avoid default. However, for the Financial Year (FY) 2025-26, Pakistan has increased the defence budget by 20 percent. Pakistan has allocated 1.97 percent of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) to defence, compared to 1.7 percent of its GDP apportioned in the FY 2024-25. On the other hand, Pakistan is cutting overall spending by 7 percent in the FY 2025-26. It simply means two things: first, there will be less spending on development projects (including education, health, infrastructure and transport), which are main areas of public interest; and second, there will be more external debt payable next year. Yet, it also means more taxes, higher inflation and further shrinkage of the economy. Without external financial assistance, the country is bankrupt. Tyranny is that the recipients of the defence budget are devoid of the courtesy to say no to any such increase.

Just stand outside medical stores in civilian areas and discover people holding prescriptions in their hands, asking politely to buy them medicines. In the past few years, prices of medicines have increased by more than a hundred percent. Here comes the other part of the adage, “Ask what you can do for your country.” That is, do not buy mangoes this week for your family; instead, buy medicines for someone needy.

Economic insecurity is writ large on Pakistan’s face, forcing even physicians and surgeons to leave this country for greener pastures abroad for their children and siblings. However, Pakistan’s priority is to buy new weapons having chocolate toppings and vanilla-filled centers. War mongering is inducing life insecurity. After strategic depth, Pakistan is in the grip of strategic assets. Pakistan wants to win any next war, prompted by non-state actors, in the public interest, without seeking any validation.