On April 4, 1979, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the former Prime Minister, faced the gallows in Rawalpindi’s Central Jail. As the noose tightened around his neck, no one could anticipate that despite his physical demise, Bhutto would evolve into an enduring symbol in Pakistan’s political narrative. His presence would persist as a divisive force, influencing the opinions of both supporters and opponents within the political landscape of Pakistan. As the political successor and godson of General Zia-ul-Haq, who had rejected Bhutto’s plea for clemency, Nawaz Sharif, too, albeit late in his political career, had to align his political stance with Bhuttoism.
Born in the politically significant center of Larkana in Sindh, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto embarked on his political journey as a minister in Field Marshal Ayub Khan’s cabinet. However, as circumstances weakened Ayub Khan, Bhutto established the Pakistan People’s Party in Lahore on November 30, 1967. The party’s rallying slogan became, “Islam is our faith, democracy is our politics, power belongs to the people, and socialism is our economy.” Regardless of whether this slogan was fully realized, Bhutto’s charismatic personality successfully appealed to Pakistan’s lower-income class, drawing them towards him.
Pakistan People’s Party ascended to become the West Pakistan’s predominant political force, fueled by the conviction that even a lamp post would win if it sided with Bhutto. This belief materialized as the party’s dedicated workers, intellectuals, and lawyers actively took to the field, confronting influential feudal lords throughout the country. Beyond the federal level, the People’s Party formed governments in both Sindh and Punjab. The party’s popularity across the four provinces underscored the influence of its figurehead.
Most notably, Bhutto gave this country the consensus constitution of 1973. Despite facing resistance from the opposition, he demonstrated tolerance and accepted their demands for the approval of this constitution. Bhutto also recognized the demand put forth by Khan Abdul Wali regarding the specific proportion of net profit from the electricity-generating powerhouses to be allocated to the provincial government. Through Bhutto’s concerted efforts, leaders like Maulana Mufti Mahmood, Professor Abdul Ghafoor Ahmed, and Khan Abdul Wali Khan signed and endorsed the 1973 constitution. In doing so, they collectively transformed it into a valuable and unifying national document.
To diminish Bhutto’s influence in Pakistani politics, the establishment orchestrated the fragmentation of the senior leadership of the Pakistan People’s Party and the National People’s Party was formed under Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi. This newly formed party included prominent figures such as Ghulam Mustafa Khar and Hanif Ramay. The NPP struggled to gain public attention and eventually splintered into two factions within a short period—the Khar and the Ramay-Jatoi groups.
Following his separation from the People’s Party, Maulana Kausar Niazi, a former Information Minister of the Bhutto era, founded the Progressive People’s Party. However, the party faced challenges and failed to extend its influence beyond Maulana Kausar Niazi’s sphere of impact.
Bhutto’s daughter, Benazir, took over the party after her father’s execution. Her return to Pakistan in 1986 infused a new life into the People’s Party. Benazir Bhutto faced a significant challenge from her brother, Murtaza Bhutto, who founded the People’s Party (Shaheed Bhutto) in honor of their father. However, during Benazir Bhutto’s tenure as Prime Minister, mysterious circumstances surrounding Murtaza Bhutto’s death near the 70 Clifton residence in Karachi raised numerous questions. While this incident presented challenges for Benazir, it also removed a significant obstacle from her path. Ghinwa Bhutto, the widow of Murtaza Bhutto, chairs the Shaheed Bhutto group today. With neither of Murtaza’s children showing interest in politics, the Shaheed Bhutto group has reached a dead end.
In the 1988 general elections, when the Election Commission took away the traditional electoral symbol of the People’s Party, the sword, Benazir Bhutto chose the arrow as her electoral symbol, symbolizing a targeted approach towards the adversary. The people of Pakistan paid homage to Bhutto by voting for Benazir in 1988. In 1993, the slogan “Benazir Be-Qasoor” (Benazir is Innocent) proved successful. Despite Nawaz Sharif’s staunch opposition during the 90s, Bhutto’s charisma prevailed in the face of adversity. With the beat of drums and the chant of “Zinda hai Bhutto Zinda hai” (Bhutto is alive), the party’s supporters continued to rally, demonstrating resilience and embodying a fiery spirit.
In the 2002 elections, General Musharraf imposed restrictions on Benazir Bhutto and the People’s Party. In response, under the leadership of the party’s senior vice chairman, Makhdoom Amin Fahim, the party participated in the elections under a new name, Pakistan People’s Party Parliamentarians. However, under pressure from General Musharraf, a new faction known as Pakistan People’s Party Patriots emerged with several senior leaders of the party, including Rao Sikandar Iqbal and Faisal Saleh Hayat.
Benazir Bhutto was martyred in a targeted suicide attack in Rawalpindi on December 27, 2007. Her untimely demise marked the end of the Bhutto dynasty in Pakistan politics. However, a will emerged soon after, and the party leadership was assumed by her son. The empathetic people of Pakistan paid homage to Benazir, as they had to her father, by voting for her party, thus bringing them to power in 2008.
Since 2008, the politics of PPP has revolved around the acumen of Asif Ali Zardari. Called the best political mind in Pakistan and believed always to stay ahead of the game, Zardari has, since 2008, played a crucial role in all significant political developments in Pakistan. The party has, however, only regressed. From 1970 to 2018, PPP had been the only constant in any electoral activity.
Parties came, parties went, and only PPP stayed relevant. Their only serious rival, Nawaz Sharif, despite his decades in politics, has yet to gain a strong footing outside Punjab. From being the only party that could contest from all four provinces and win, PPP today has become irrelevant. It endured an initial pushback from Ayub, an ego-driven Yahya, a merciless Zia and a ruthless Musharraf, yet none could break its back. Its leaders were jailed, hanged or assassinated, and its workers were lashed and made to disappear, yet it stood tall. The only hostility that weakened the PPP was from those who were its own. Today, with PMLN reclaiming ground in Punjab and PTI refusing to let go of it anywhere in the country, PPP cannot be confident of its victory beyond rural Sindh.
The demise of the PPP is a national loss. It did not erect minarets or build motorways. Still, it rightly deserves the credit for giving the country the 1973 constitution, the NFC award, the 18th amendment and above all, the unpopular notion of embracing death instead of bowing out of adversity. Those at the top of PPP failed to adapt to modern culture. They failed to attract the youth. They failed to change the feudal outlook of the party and ended up making it irrelevant.
In PPP’s demise, there are lessons to be learned.
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